Chahar Costume from Central Inner Mongolia

Written by Ehshig, Visiting Fellow to the Mongolia Institute (2019-2020).

Traditional Mongolian costume is very rich both in design and colour. Different regions have their own local designs and characters. While the Halha, Üjümchin, Harchin and Barga dresses have elaborate decoration and ornaments, the Sünid, Dörbed and Chahar costumes are simple in comparison. The regional differences reportedly developed during the Qing Dynasty (1634-1912) because the Manchu court not only divided the Mongols into Banner systems and restricted the movements of people, but also designated different colour codes to each banner. There were 49 Banners in Inner Mongolia alone, not including eight separate Chahar Banners. Both Mongol men and women wear deel for winter or terleg for summer and both are equally colourful, but the men’s dress is a bit simpler in design and ornamentation.

Like all Mongolian costumes, Chahar costume not only adapts well to the environment and climate, while meeting the various needs of nomadic production and life, it is also known for its well-matching colours, accompanying accessories and exquisite workmanship. The Chahar costume has its own character, but also absorbed characteristics of costumes from other regions, due to Chahar’s central location amongst the Mongol banners. The Chahar region is located in today’s central Inner Mongolia at the crossroads between east and west, north and south. It was not only the geographical centre but also used to be a cultural and political centre across Mongol history. The Chahar region is centred around the famous Xanadu, Khubilai Khan’s summer residence and home to the last Mongol Khan, Ligden, who was defeated by the Manchus.

In the past, outfits worn by officials and wealthy people were covered with brocade and the hems were made from silk ribbon. The buttons were mostly made of copper or silver, while the tunics donned by herders were made from cotton. Winter deel were made of sheep wool or fox pelts. Today, there are two types of Chahar tunic, or caftan, either with or without nidurga, a semicircular ‘sleeve-extension’ with narrow cuffs attached to the end of the sleeves. Due to its shape resembling a horse’s hoof, in Chinese it is called matixiu (hoof-shaped sleeves). Traditionally the Chahar tunic had straight and rather narrow sleeves, without nidurga, but was possibly influenced by official’s fashion in the Manchu court to then add the nidurga. The nidurga come in different sizes and are usually be rolled up. They can only be elongated during the cold season, or while in mourning. The nidurga of summer robes are small and made of softer fabrics, while for winter nidurga are made of otter or fox pelt, or lamb’s wool, designed to keep the hands warm. Some local Chahar still don’t like wearing an outfit with nidurga because they think that the Chinese term ‘horse-hoof-shaped sleeve’ was discriminating against the Mongols, essentially referring to the Mongols as livestock.

Chahar family in winter deel.

During some festivals, married Chahar men and women wear waistcoats (ooj or oguji) over their deel.  The sash is an indispensable and important part of the Mongolian costume, made of cotton and silk. When the man ties his sash (bus) around his mid-riff, the coat is lifted slightly to make it comfortable for riding, while at the same time making the rider look lean and smart. A sash is not only a decoration but also acts as protection against the strong chilling wind of the grassland steppe. For men, the sash not only holds the deel tight around the waist, but has both practical and decorative functions: to hold a Mongolian knife, a fire striker and a colourful rectangular-shaped cloth pocket (with a snuff bottle inside). When unmarried women tie their sash, they should pull down the dress neatly so that a woman’s figure is evident. Like women in other regions of people with Mongolian heritage, Chahar women do not wear a sash after getting married, so they are called  ‘busuguei’, which means ‘person who does not wear a sash’.

Headwear and chest ornaments are worn only on important occasions. Traditional Chahar women’s headdresses were highly ornamented, the most typical of which was bridal head gear. Chahar women’s headdresses were luxurious and beautiful and the most eye-catching part of  Mongolian costumes. The headdress could include a bun inlaid with rubies and red corals and a forehead hoop made of pearl greenstones, a fine coral pearl chain and other precious or semi-precious stones. These were further embellished with a pair of large gold or silver earrings and with a necklace made of pearls, agate, amber, or coral.

Chahar bride with headgear, a sleeveless long waistcoat over the deel.

The Chahar costumes not only constitute the epitome of artistic craftmanship, but also play important social functions. For example, Chahars have the custom of giving each other traditional outfits to express their good wishes. In addition, in the eyes of the Mongolian people, the Mongolian tunic is very sacred. Traditionally, the expected etiquette was that when people wear Mongolian dress, they should also wear a Mongolian hat and boots (at least riding boots), and tie a sash around the waist.

Modern Chahar clothing, however, is a mixture of traditional and modern styles. Chahar Mongolians usually wear sheep-tailed leather hats in spring and winter. In recent times, more Mongolian men from Chahar wear Western style hats, while women wear small domed hats, while men wear runners instead of riding boots and an increasing number of young women wear high-heeled riding boots. Chahar women no longer wear ancient headdresses and exquisitely-made long waistcoats and robes, nor do men wear waistcoats, fire sickles or knives. There are people of Chahar heritage, however, who are keep the traditional Chahar women’s headdresses and men’s outfits and accessories as an important part of their cultural heritage.

Modernized Mongolian costume worn by a Chahar woman.

References

http://xilinguole.nmgnews.com.cn/system/2018/04/10/012478405.shtml

http://www.nmg.gov.cn/art/2018/7/2/art_216_184122.html

https://new.qq.com/omn/20180523/20180523A1PUHW.html

Ming Rui. 2013.”The costumes of Chinese Mongolian.” Yuan Fang Publishing House, Inner Mongolia publishing group, Hohhot, Inner Mongolia.

 

Informal life politics in Mongolia

Resource development projects have brought severe contamination and destruction to the ecological environment across the grasslands of Mongolia. The everyday life and livelihood of local residents, including herding communities, is under excessive threat. Grassroots action to protect the grasslands and livelihoods have become increasingly strident in response to this escalating environmental pollution. My research focuses on case studies of informal life politics in Mongolia, including the country of Mongolia (Outer Mongolia) and Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region of China (Inner Mongolia). Both regions have experienced rapid industrialization over the past decade, which involved a huge number of large-scale resource development projects

Along with environmental degradation in Inner Mongolia in the late 1990s, grassroots environmental protection activities have gradually emerged and developed. It expanded slowly to fight against industrial pollution on the grasslands and to protect herdsmen’s rights on their own land. This is an open network which involves people from different walks of life, such as local herdsmen, educated youth from Beijing, young ethnic Mongolians living in cities, professors, people from environmental NGOs and public interest law firms. The network plays an important role in linking environmental activities in diverse forms and various locations.

horse
Educated youth in Eastern Ujimchin grassland in the 1970s

From here, I would like to introduce a story of educated youth. The situation of industrial pollution in the grasslands and the plight of local herdsmen have caught the attention and sympathy of educated youth, city dwellers sent to live on the rural Inner Mongolian grasslands during the cultural revolution between the 1960s and 1970s. Most of them were from Beijing and therefore returned to Beijing after the Cultural Revolution.

When they saw the beautiful grassland where they lived being polluted, and their old friends and local herdsmen suffering from these changes, many educated youth stood up and actively involved themselves in grassland protection activities. One of them is Chen Jiqun, who is an artist living in Beijing. Over ten years, he travelled multiple times between Beijing and Eastern Ujimchin grassland, one thousand kilometers to the north of Beijing, to engage in a range of activities to help the herding community to win their case. He created and operated the website ‘Echoing Steppe’, to release information on the situation of industrial pollution in Eastern Ujimchin through photos and videos. Through the website, he also reports the functioning of surveillance on environment issues by the Eastern Ujimchin government. In addition, he provides herdsmen with legal assistance and helps them to conduct independent investigations. For instance, Chen Jiqun offers to help herders to contact lawyers, organize the translation of law books from Chinese to Mongolian, and distribute these books among the local community.  Meanwhile, he has facilitated collaborations between scholars from Beijing, Outer Mongolia and Korea, as well as Eastern Ujimchin local herdsmen to conduct independent investigations on industrial pollution and desertification of the grassland.

Mongolia has its own cultural and historical background, distinct from other cultural groups in the region. A study of grassroots action in Mongolia requires interpreting case studies in their historical context. Outer Mongolia and Inner Mongolia bear different and distinctive historical footprints. Inner Mongolia has adopted an economic development strategy focusing on resource development since the 1990s. Development projects in Inner Mongolia were often accompanied with a huge influx of Han immigrants into the grasslands, which has brought not only tangible damage on the environment but also intangible pressure on Mongolian language and culture.

Post by Wuqiriletu. Find out more about Wuqiriletu’s research work.